hives
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- 20. März 2003
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@ samhain:
Zumindest in einem konkreten Punkt würde ich mich Stryker anschließen: Religion und Ethnie sind offiziell nicht die zentralen, ausschlaggebenden Punkte im Raster der Terroristenfahndung. Die Verwendung des zur Debatte stehenden Begriffs kann also begründet kritisiert werden, weshalb ich nicht auf der Verwendung insistieren würde - was nicht bedeuten soll, dass es keine Gemeinsamkeiten gibt...
Giorgio Agamben zum Thema "demokratische Lager":
Ganz grundsätzlich würde ich zur Thematik "Lager und Ausnahmezustände in Demokratien" Giorgio Agamben empfehlen, der in seiner Homo sacer- Reihe u.a. die Widersprüche und Korrelationen von Rechtsordnung und rechsfreien Bereichen behandelt:
Homo sacer - Die souveräne Macht und das nackte Leben
Ausnahmezustand
(homo sacer 2.1)
Was von Auschwitz bleibt - Das Archiv und der Zeuge
(homo sacer 3)
Zumindest in einem konkreten Punkt würde ich mich Stryker anschließen: Religion und Ethnie sind offiziell nicht die zentralen, ausschlaggebenden Punkte im Raster der Terroristenfahndung. Die Verwendung des zur Debatte stehenden Begriffs kann also begründet kritisiert werden, weshalb ich nicht auf der Verwendung insistieren würde - was nicht bedeuten soll, dass es keine Gemeinsamkeiten gibt...
Giorgio Agamben zum Thema "demokratische Lager":
http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=437[3] Raulff: You wrote already in the first volume of Homo Sacer that the paradigm of the state of exception came into being in the concentration camps, or corresponds to the camps. The indignant outcry of last year as you applied this concept to the United States, to American politics, was predictably loud. Do you still consider your critique to be correct?
[4] Agamben: Regarding such an application, the publication of my Auschwitz book[2] brought similar remonstrance. But I am not an historian. I work with paradigms. A paradigm is something like an example, an exemplar, a historically singular phenomenon. As it was with the panopticon for Foucault,[3] so is the Homo Sacer or the Muselmann or the state of exception for me. And then I use this paradigm to construct a large group of phenomena and in order to understand an historical structure, again analogous with Foucault, who developed his “panopticism” from the panopticon.[4] But this kind of analysis should not be confused with a sociological investigation.
[5] Raulff: Nevertheless, people were shocked by your comparison because it seemed to equate American and Nazi policies.
[5] Agamben: But I spoke rather of the prisoners in Guantánamo, and their situation is legally-speaking actually comparable with those in the Nazi camps. The detainees of Guantanamo do not have the status of Prisoners of War, they have absolutely no legal status.[5] They are subject now only to raw power; they have no legal existence. In the Nazi camps, the Jews had to be first fully “denationalised” and stripped of all the citizenship rights remaining after Nuremberg,[6] after which they were also erased as legal subjects.
[6] Raulff: What do you understand the connection to be to America’s security policy? Does Guantánamo belong to the transition you have previously described from governance through law to governance through the administration of the absence of order?
[7] Agamben: This is the problem behind every security policy, ruling through management, through administration. In the1968 course at the Collège de France, Michel Foucault showed how security becomes in the 18th century a paradigm of government. For Quesnay, Targot and the other physiocratic politicians, security did not mean the prevention of famines and catastrophes, but meant allowing them to happen and then being able to orientate them in a profitable direction. Thus is Foucault able to oppose security, discipline and law as a model of government. Now I think to have to have discovered that both elements – law and the absence of law – and the corresponding forms of governance – governance through law and governance through management – are part of a double-structure or a system. I try to understand how this system operates. You see, there is a French word that Carl Schmitt often quotes and that means: Le Roi reigne mail il ne gouverne pas (the King reigns but he does not govern). That is the termini of the double-structure: to reign and to govern. Benjamin brought the conceptual pairing of schalten and walten (command and administer) to this categorization. In order to understand their historical dissociation one must then first grasp their structural interrelation.
[8] Raulff: Again, is the time of law over? Do we live now in an era of rule by decree (Schaltung), of cybernetic regulation and of the pure administration of mankind?
[9] Agamben: At first glance it really does seem that governance through administration, through management, is in the ascendancy, while rule by law appears to be in decline. We are experiencing the triumph of the management, the administration of the absence of order.
Ganz grundsätzlich würde ich zur Thematik "Lager und Ausnahmezustände in Demokratien" Giorgio Agamben empfehlen, der in seiner Homo sacer- Reihe u.a. die Widersprüche und Korrelationen von Rechtsordnung und rechsfreien Bereichen behandelt:
Homo sacer - Die souveräne Macht und das nackte Leben
Ausnahmezustand
(homo sacer 2.1)
Was von Auschwitz bleibt - Das Archiv und der Zeuge
(homo sacer 3)